Let the Beat Build by Nyle Article Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Let the Beat Build by Nyle - Article Example This paper helps to provide an insight regarding the band, the vocalists and instruments, as well as the thoughts and ideas behind this very music video. Most people that have viewed the video for this particular song have found it to be amazing as the video builds up beats as it progresses along, just as the title suggests. The technique used within the video is the play of instruments as Nyle moves on to build up the tempo and the musical beats and tells his story through various instruments like a banjo, piano and even the drums. The music gives a very indie – hip-hop feel and is like a visual mixed tape and is very impressively shot simultaneously with the audio in the background coming along at the same time. The various instruments add towards the final climax and complete the story that Nyle is trying to portray through the music; the video is more like a three act story. The video is quite random in nature as well as Nyle makes a reference to the DVD of Aladdin: Return of Jafar and also in the middle somewhere, stops the music, apologizes, and then starts again. The characters within the video all seem to be having serious fun as they go along with the music and help to tell the story through extremely precise photography. Nyle has tried to keep with the New York spirit and state of mind while telling the world the kind of life that every man goes through all in a day’s worth of hard work.

Youth Gang Violence in Australia Essay Example for Free

Youth Gang Violence in Australia Essay The legal argument being stated in this report refers to the developing issue of youth gang criminology that has somewhat flourished and further advanced in the suburban areas of Australia since the 1990s. The term ‘gang’ is debated throughout the cases presented to psychological and criminal observers, argued to be diverse in definition because of its variety to identifiers. What causes the most uncertainty towards the issue is the query of the agenda behind youth gang violence, which is a factor that must be taken into consideration in performing action in anticipating further crimes. What the main matter of contention is, the controversy of how can legal acts be committed into successfully containing the potential spread of youth gang threats. Criminal observers have dated these organised crimes back a hundred years, originating and nationally developing from the state of New South Wales of Australia. Gang violence practically consists of an organised group of general willing participants that perform acts of crimes; the severity of them differs according to agenda or convenience in availability in numbers or equipment. Gangs can perpetrate crimes such as prostitution, gambling, extortion, arson, theft to social attacks, assault, murder and terrorism etc. Despite the known history of previous Australian gang activity, petty clashes between young peoples though are misinterpreted as youth gang violence. The effects though, whether originated from gang membership or just from individual illegal activity on the streets between juveniles, are still severe to the current generation of society. But whether gang violence is subjected to ‘reality’ or ‘myth’, three main issues of intervention are recognised by the police force and surrounding community: Firstly, criminal acts displayed from youth gangs do exist and are a danger to the community, and almost inevitably provoke authorities to take action, despite what is occurring in the grassroots; Secondly, analysis has proven that politic and economic conditions create potential cause for youth gang crimes, now requiring action to forestall further problematic incident; Thirdly, gangs in Australia have been generally radicalised, public discourses being ubject of an ethnic minority of juvenile offenders. Law enforcement has an inadequate background of managing street gang violence, the police force known to be reluctant of getting involved in physical violence, weary of the potential Internal Affair complaints and accusations, despite their past background of aggression. This report is an overview of the crimes and product of youth gang violence in the Australian communities, as well as a summary based on the law relations, opinionated whether effective in the circumstances. What specifically is youth gang violence? The term ‘youth gang violence’ indicates to an organised assembling of adolescents and juveniles with the suspected intention to commit crimes and cause distress, individually or cooperatively, under a ‘banner’ or title of membership to that specific ‘gang’. Intentions can vary from wanting to have ‘control’ over designated ‘territory’ over suburban areas, to gain infamy or in term ‘respect’, or in a way to find escape and/or have a sense of protection and power. There is no denying of such activity occurring in the urban streets of Australia, known to be more common in the capitals of Sydney, Melbourne and establishing in the outer occupant communities of Brisbane; but consequently this perception has strengthened due to the media exaggerating and releasing news and images of anti-social teen behaviour, so the perspective of such dealings is generally misapprehended. Although youth gang violence is a known emerging problem in Australia, many occurrences that have had to result in the involvement of police have been dramatized by the media as ‘gang violence’. The severity of school yard violence has significantly increased in the past decade as students are arming themselves with weapons and assaulting fellow students and staff alike. With violence occurring outside of education centres, investigations have proven leads originally building and existing within their attending school, just having been provoked outside the institutes. Habitually the breaking news of street or group violence that has any involvement of juveniles and police is distinguished as ‘youth gang activity’ and is repressed accordingly by the police force, even though gang membership might not be the case. Typically viewed upon by stereotypes, assembled from occurrences and news releases in America’s history of gang violence, the law enforcement in the past has aken contentious action against gang suspects but, through observations, police force aggression has been perceived of being at a higher risk of causing resentment from adolescents when dealing with the suspected ‘members’. In fact, severe penalties such as detention have been associated with an increased likelihood of re-offending and a 2002 study showed that young people who went to a youth justice conference were 15-20% less likely to re-offend than young people who went to court for similar offence. A report released by the NSW Ombudsman in 1999 showed that young people are far more likely than adults to be searched and moved on by police. Many organisations, like OxGang Research Network, and other directed projects, such as the Youth Gang: the Australian Experience project, have made it their goal to ‘study’ the behaviours and movements of adolescents potentially or definitely involved in youth gangs in Australia, with the intention of examining and suggesting further law enforcement to help deprive and prevent further incidents concerning juvenile violence. The perception of youth gang violence in Australia is confirmed by politicians making negative proclamations about particular youth groups or ‘gangs’ as well as raising awareness in introducing the anti-weapon legislation. Whether the perceptions hold as much sincerity as charges claim, one intervention observation that stands out above all other theoretical concern is that gang violence in Australia does exist and is a developing issue, and nevertheless if it’s an emerging matter or chronic, inevitably authorities will take action to cease any potential or existing threat to the community. In stating the former point, youth gang violence is a severe occurrence in Australia. 2008, August 02, The Courier Mail released a story â€Å"Violent youth gangs take control of streets† reveals an occurrence of adolescents’ assaults on residents of the Queensland community. The paper stated they were ‘operating like a pack of animals’, followed by Inspector Greg Carey, crime manager for the Tweed-NSW police command, remarking ‘There is no doubt its a phenomenon that is rapidly escalating in this country,’. The story had originated from several incidents consisting of juveniles, ‘whose members are as young as 11’ attacking the community. The report stated ‘drive-by beatings and random swarming attacks by teens armed with knives and poles are leaving a bloody trail across southeast Queensland. ’ In Australia, legislations relating to youth gang violence have been committed more forthcoming in New South Wales which concur of the Children (Protection and Parental Responsibility) Act 1997, which enables officers to remove persons under the age of sixteen that display suspicion of gang activity or if they are generally at risk of committing a crime, or in danger of being affected by it. Another act that was introduced in 1998, the Crimes Legislation Amendment (Police and Public Safety) Act was brought forth with the intention to surmise potential threat by modifying opportunity for weapon use throughout the country. Action that has already been ensued towards youth gang pursuit has come under the perspective that juveniles that are involved in gangs do not have the full intention of causing discord in the streets but to have a place to belong among the residents. Many programs have tried to obstruct the feeling of alienation from foreign adolescents so as to prevent the conceivable threat of gang membership in the future. Currently, there is no empirical work in Australia to allow criminal investigators to determine the general number of gangs or the number of gang members. A paper published by the Australian Institute of Criminology examines some of the complex issues surrounding youth gangs in Australia; its contents considering what gangs are, what sorts of behaviour they engage in, how they are structured, how they change over time, and how they form and disappear. Research has concluded a few general factors concerning youth gangs that can be applied across assorted geographic, demographic and ethnic settings, which in customary sense must be considered in order to understand the practical agenda or ‘origination’ of a gang. In this way, authorities can further their chances to discovering a resolution deeming less problematic occurrences throughout. Gangs are diverse – they vary, for example, in ethnic composition criminal activities, age of members, propensity toward violence, and organisational stability. Gangs do change – they evolve due to direct factors (such as prevention, intervention and suppression efforts) and in response to indirect factors (such as demographic shifts, economic conditions and influence of the media). Reactions to gangs also vary as well as its outcomes – some communities indefinitely deny they exist while others sensationalise them if one is identified. Some communities establish task forces to address gang issues while others conduct assessments to determine the nature and scope of youth gang incidents. Effective responses do prove to be diverse – communities have developed various responses to gangs, including prevention, intervention and suppression or enforcement. International research has also increasingly emphasised that gang formation is a social process involving complex forms of membership, transformation and disintegration. These elements challenge the standard stereotypes of gangs that both can be influenced by media or enforcements. Youth gangs can differ from each other in many ways including their size, members’ ages, whether they are territorial and/or whether they have criminal tendencies. For many young people, gangs serve to provide a sense of social inclusion, support and security. They can also provide opportunities for status, group identity and ‘excitement’. Consequently, in the dealings with infinite occurrences subjected to youth gangs, successful outcomes require delicate attention and action. Enforcement preserves certain areas of law in which aggression is used and can be deemed necessary; however, physiological observations show that the youths that involve themselves in anti-social behaviour is a result of their own personal abuse and neglect. Circumstances practically need to consist of indulged examination and efficient research before severe and potentially permanent action can be conducted. Harsh and permanent penalties do not address the systemic problems underlying juvenile offending. Poverty and neglect are the strongest predictors of youth gang crime and these are not addressed by punitive responses to crime. Supervision based research has proven that large numbers of adolescents in the youth gang system had been in state care and/or homeless. The majority had left school extremely early, mostly before starting Year 10. Many had also proven to have a mental illness or disorder. However, juvenile offense rates occurring in Australia have declined from 4092 per 100 000 juveniles in 1995-1996 to 3023 in 2003-2004, mannerly proving authorities and criminology researchers are dealing adequately with the threats of youth gangs more so than prior action. Methodologically, addressing perceived gang problems requires adoption of a problem-solving model. Understanding gangs and gang problems is ultimately about what people can and are willing to do at a local level to provide local solutions for the community. An example problem-solving model applying to gang problems can consist of four steps: 1, Scanning, which consists of the potential process of searching for and identifying gang problems, and narrowing the community’s view of a general gang problem to more specific problems, such as graffiti, drug sales, violence; lesser but not degraded. 2, Analysis, which can involve in efficiently investigating the specific gang dispute in greater detail by considering the origination, and what form the problem can consequently take, leading to queries as who is and can be harmed and how, and when the problems have and might occur. , Response, which involves an effort to conceptually link specific problems with specific local responses, and to survey potential approaches and projects that might provide a further insight into how best to address specific issues in that specific community context. 4, and Assessment, which can process and conduct an evaluation of the effectiveness of the strate gies, to whether or not the problem has been diminished, or whether the problem needs to be redefined and the considering of the development of appropriate criteria regarding community safety. Youth gang criminology is a diverse and delicate topic, differing in origin and varying in acts. One important feature in authority based action is the process of intervention, considering the major and acute factors regarding adolescent anti-socialism. Major dispute applying to juvenile crimes associate with the lack of national data research justifying the origin and perceived outcome of organised gangs. Perceptions viewed by both the local public and enforcement authorities however are influenced by inadequate policing, resulting in more aggressive and out-bursting action which then causes reaction of resentment from the engaged juveniles. Further observation and physiological research should conduct not on the general behaviour of youth gangs, but should attempt to disestablish potential problematic occurrences throughout the community, as a way in breaking down crimes and threats. Action should be taken methodically and systematically, understanding the varying strategies and outcomes of different circumstances. Youth gang violence will be a chronic display in Australia, whether degraded or over-exaggerated, action must be and will be taken to prevent further effect on society.

Links Between Social Change and Knowledge

Links Between Social Change and Knowledge When considering the immensity of accessible knowledge today in our high-tech society it seems more than evident that social change is in equation. The vast scope of fields in which ICT’s (information, communication, technologies)  have invaded the global market with it’s unfathomable possibilities just might start a revolution. Knowledge societies now have freely accessible information transmitted  instantaneously serving as a support for all essential needs. This capacity to meet the overall needs of the world and the reperccusions of global knowledge on mankind may conceal  unthinkable changes. Education, environmental issues, government issues, religion, science ,wealth and risk management have become ressources through internet of intellectual sharing and education. Valuable information at the touch of the keyboard is not without the responsability that this implies.This massive information giving has caused considerable change in the personal development of each individual having access to a computer and internet, therefore  allowing fulfilment in once unthinkable places, enabling the inclusion of disadvantaged people. On the other hand this may become another reason that accentuates social exclusion in developing countries. The gap between internet users and non internet users may become unbridgeable at some point. Computer savvy and computer illiterate may plunge the needy into even a greater abyss. What will the side effects be when highly educated masses meet their extreme opposite counterparts? Imagine the freedom of expression in any given language due to training, an inquisitive eye for other cultures, other lands, other ways of being and expressions of life. The cultural shock would jolt our high-tech societies into facing the fact that with all this information there are still huge discepansies of social classes throughout the world. We frankly need to’ mind the gap’! This social exclusion for the sake and risk of revolutionary technologies may also cause our downfall. The incredible benefits for those that have access as compared to those who don’t is reinforcing the idea of social power. Companies and individuals have become direct advocates of risk management and wealth management. On a daily basis right from your home or office you can consult any of your personal investments 24 hours a day. People have become their own financial partners  having consequently earned their financial freedom. This freedom has made considerable social changes .People are more and more aware of the myriad of finacial placement possibilites and their options. Without having to leave the ofice they are able to orchestrate their choices by internet which not only brings them to finacial freedom, but to more leisure time.People are planning their future in an industrious way. What can we say for the risk society in social changes? We can probably say that the stakes are even higher than they were before. Social contrast, environmental pollution, nuclear and chemical weapons, transportation, the crime rate, drug abuse, war, civilian protection, military mangement; all of which through globalisation have created a state of international insecurity. Awareness on a daily basis of this state of unsafeness has largely contributed to either ignoring the situation and living with your head in the sand, or doing something about it. The person playing the ostrich will still feel insecure. The person that employs his energy in doing something about it may also feel insecure although he has made the choice to make a small step towards change on another level. Neither one of the two cases illustrated is a comfortable situation to be in . Generations of wearing blinders makes for more generations of wearing blinders which can only ignite the steaming anger of the disadvantaged. On the other hand there are those who give their support doing their best to nuture a feeling of solidarity towards the less fortunate. Social changes are also produced by the risk society for several other outstanding reasons. The fact that a high rate of divorce means children coming from mono-parental homes and the precariousness therein is a risk foundation factor of today’s society; Children are left to their own sort,while women are making up for lost time in executive positions on the work force. This new work pattern will affect the structure of the society in it’s roots. Medicine has made astounding technological advancements in disease prevention and treatments.Which means we have a high increase in population of people over fifty. Science and medicine alike have progressed in all areas through consequent research. The outmost prepoderance today is in the domain of bioethics. How are we as citizens of the world going to respect, encourage, develop, the the safekeeping of humanity through scientific practices? Therefore using those creations for the good of mankind excluding any attempt to manipulate, exploit, destroy,or govern others through these practices. We have come to the stage of our development when it might seem as if we were all reading a former science fiction scenario which has finally come true. How have religious beliefs changed with knowledge? Religion has always been subjective whereas science is prouvable knowledge. In the light of the fact that’ faith’ is’ faith ‘ religion has basically remained the same. Few or little changes have occured in the basic concepts. What has changed is the participation and questioning of how faith is transposed. Recently at a conference a woman in the audience made the remark that when the chips are down people turn to their faith and to their God. What awareness has changed are the blossoming number of charities in the world today. People are using their faith and expressing it through social services to the disadvantaged. If church attendance is ‘down’ the charitiy services are’ up’ putting faith into action. Advocates of human rights charities, NGO’s, and humanitarian services combined represent a great influence in counter balancing political issues. Interdenomonational efforts are being made for problem solving,  empowerme nt, and conscience raising. Since the emphasis s not put on the doctrines but more on the strengths of uniting forces, yet another social pattern is changing in the face of new knowledge. In Europe this plurality is especially changing patterns when it comes to world peace. You may find at the same peace movement Muslims, Communists, Catholics all with the same amount of exploitable energy for world peace. A wave of interest for self-help litterature and New Age spirituality are allowing people to commit themselves in a more individually expressed way. Some choose community service, others NGO’s which may have a more political priority towards human rights, politics, clubs, or groups of people with standards and values to uphold that do not necessarily have a religious doctrine connotation but with a sense of mankind. Globalisation  of thoughts has brought about many changes. We need to take into consideration that readily available knowledge influences thought and produces changes in patterns. Whenever there is a change in patterns society is directly implicated as a result of those changes. Globalisation has lead to localization. People may suffer a loss of the individual being drowned by the mass in his identification process. He will therefore feel a need to imply himself on a lesser scale to connect with non virtual existences and to have real life contact. The tendancy w ill be to form small groups as opposed to immense circles. Business has already predomonated the patterns by imposing it’s multinational structures upon the world. People will feel a need for real human contact on a smaller scale to be able to face the more universal scale they observe everyday on television. Taking good care of oneself has also become a new priority. A sort of self-awareness that has it’s repercissions on the choice of knowledge saught and it’s resulting change in patterns of thought. Change the thought patterns and society is highly affected as people with self- help in mind and individual emergence are evolving. Innovative skills and knowledge are at our disposal for inner growth. Perhaps the awakening of the ‘self’ will allow individuals to meet global needs when their own needs are fulfilled. Media has changed our vision through worlwide news reports. Terrorist attacks have been presented live on TV throughout the entire world. The risk society is even more exposed to insecurity by what is said than by what remains unsaid. Commercials have shaped the image of men and women and given children role models that impress upon them neurotic behaviour as being quite normal. Reality shows are allowing us to enter into somebody’s living room and experience their daily life in every aspect. This is bound to have an effect on our vision of others and our opinion of the world and it’s inhabitants. Our reasoning has been greatly influenced by the everyday aspect of media use through television,  radio, magazines, newspapers. This constant focusing of visual and auditive input has also been a determining factor in social change. In conclusion, countless examples of how knowledge is linked to social change have lead me to believe that without knowledge in the first place there would be little room for change in the first place. When the expression’ ignorance is bliss’ is used it might just be that with the acceptance of knowledge the notion of responsability is heavy with meaning. The inevitable social changes that will occur stemming from cognitive growth are perhaps not always what we would hope them to be. Citizens of the world need to assume their knowledge and the forthcoming responsibilities that it will engender. References: Bauman Zygmunt (1992) Intimations of Postmodernity, London, Rutledge Beck, Ulrich (1992) Risk Society; Towards a New Modernity, London: Sage (1992) Convention Concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage Whc.unesco.org/world-he.htm The Development of Common Risk ‘society’ a theoretical overview Shaw Martin www.sussex.ac.uk Rethinking Science: knowledge and the Public in the Age of Uncertainty (2001) Nowontny Helga, Scott Peter, Gibbons Michael (2001) Cambridge Polity Press

Identifying Macromolecules by Means of Colour Change

Identifying Macromolecules by Means of Colour Change By Marike Coetzee B Dietetics II 1. Introduction 1.1 Aim The purpose of this lab was to observe the colour changes (due to chemical reactions) indicators had on different macromolecules in food;1 such as starch, proteins and lipids; and then to identify the macromolecules found in an Unknown solution. These known solutions contained different types of macromolecules which each reacted with at least one indicator solution in a unique way, which allowed us to identify the macromolecule based upon the presence or absence of a colour change. Water was also used as a control solution, as it showed a negative reaction with the indicator solutions.2 This experiment produced results which provided a clear understanding of the colour change that occurred when each known solution reacted with each indicator solution. When the colour changes associated with the Unknown solution were compared with those of the known solutions, it is possible to deduce which macromolecules are present in the Unknown solution 1.2 General background The four types of macromolecules (organic compounds) found in all living organisms and substances are lipids, carbohydrates, proteins, and nucleic acids. Foods and nutrients, which consist of plants, animals or derivatives thereof; are a combination of these macromolecules.3 It is important to determine which macromolecules are found in food as macromolecules play an important role in nutrition. The basis of this experiment is that the four types of macromolecules consist of different atoms and atom arrangements. Protein for example contains an NH group while carbohydrates contain a CHO group. This difference will cause the molecules to react differently with substances and enabling us to determine the compositions of different samples.4 ProteinCarbohydrate 1.3 Focussed background Negative and positive results for each indicator:1 *The intensity of the colours is an indication of the amount of the respective macromolecules found in the samples. Water, protein, starch, lipid, vitamin C and an unknown sample were each treated with the different indicators solutions (iodine, Sudan III and Biuret copper sulphate) to determine how that sample solution (and that type of macromolecule) would react with each specific indicator. The identity of the unknown solution can then be determined by comparing the reactions of the unknown solution with the reactions of the five known solutions. 2. Method and Materials 2.1 Materials/ Reagents Apparatus used: White paper 10ml test tubes Pipette Reagents: WaterAscorbic AcidIodine solution ProteinGlucoseSudan III LipidUnknownBiuret copper solution 2.2 Procedure: Set up three sets of seven clear, clean, 10ml test tubes and mark each set with the following: water, protein, starch, lipid, vitamin C and an unknown sample. Place 5 ml of each solution into each tube. Add one drop iodine to the first set of seven tubes, Sudan III to the second set and Biuret copper sulphate to the last set of tubes. Place a white paper behind the tubes so any colour change can be easily observed Record the colour changes in the table below. 3. Results 4. Discussion Interpretation of results To create a control group, the different indicator solutions was added to water and used as a colour standard for a negative result. Any colour variation from the control group means a positive result. The indicator solution that could best be used to show the presence of different starch molecules was Iodine as it turned from yellow to a dark/ purple black in the presence of starch. Sudan III is the best indicator of lipids, since this solution turned orange, which is different than the controls red colour, and also only reacts with lipids and none of the other macromolecules. To test for protein; a biuret copper sulphate solution was used, since protein reacted with the biuret copper sulphate to form a dark purple solution. This is considered a change since this solution (purple) is a different colour than the control solution (light blue). Vitamin C has two indicator solutions that can be used to determine its identity: iodine and biuret copper sulphate. The iodine indicator reacted with the vitamin C to produce a colourless solution, which can be contrasted with the yellow control, while the biuret and copper sulphate produced a yellow solution that differed from the light blue control. Broader implication of results The Iodine solution turned yellow to colourless in the presence of simple carbohydrates (starch and Vitamin C) but it turned dark purple/black when it was added to the Unknown solution. From the focussed background information, it can be deduced that the Unknown sample contained a complex carbohydrate. The Sudan III tested positive (changed from light red to orange) when added to a lipid but no colour change occurred when the indicator was added to the unknown. Therefore the unknown sample does not contain any lipids Although the Biuret and Copper solution reacted differently for each of the protein, lipid and vitamin C; the solution stayed light blue when added to the starch and unknown. This proves again that the Unknown is a carbohydrate. Conclution Due to the colour changes observed when the Unknown sample was treated with the different indicators, it can be deduced that the Unknown sample contained a complex carbohydrate, and none lipids or proteins. The unknown solution, labelled Unknown, reacted with the iodine indicator to form a purple black solution. The only known solution which reacted with iodine to form a black solution was starch. Although these colours don’t match up perfectly, they are the closest match. The difference in colour between the starch solution and the Unknown solution could be explained by a difference in concentration between the two solutions or by the difference in degree of complexity of the different starches. A factor that could have influence the difference in concentration is if the solutions weren’t both well shaken, since starch can settle out of solution. 5. References Yourscienceteacher.net [Internet]. Identifying macromolecules and Nutrients Lab background. Your Science teacher. [updated 2010; cited 2014-10-09]. Available from: http://www.cpet.ufl.edu/wp-content/uploads/2013/03/Identifying-Macromolecules-Lab.pdf Inky, EFA [Internet]. Identification of Macromolecules. Study Mode. [updated 2011-10-23; cited 2014-10-09]. Available from: http://www.studymode.com/essays/Identification-Of-Macromolecules-Lab-Report-810104.html nesscityschools.org [Internet]. Identifying macromolecules. Nesscity Schools [updated 2013; cited 2014-10-09]. Available from: http://www.nesscityschools.org/vimages/shared/vnews/stories/53f3996a455d1/Macromolecules%20Lab.pdf Smith JK [Internet]. Identifying macromolecules and proteins. Osborne Highschool [updated 2013; cited 2014-10-09]. Available from: http://osbornehighschool.typepad.com/files/biochemistry-lab-identifying-macromolecules2013s-with-post-lab-questions.doc

The Jamestown Massacre :: American America History

The Jamestown Massacre 104 men were sent to form Jamestown in 1607. 4 months after they arrived, 70 had died. Thousands were sent to take their place over the next 3 years, but they also died. Why? * Jamestown was founded on may 14 1607, by a small group led by Christopher Newport who was hired by the London company to transport colonists. * Jamestown was the first permanent English settlement in America. * Many settlers died in the winter of 1609-1610. * Survivors were encouraged to stay by more settlers and supplies which came the following June * In 1612 tobacco farming was started * Native Americans often attacked the village. * Jamestown was burned down in 1676 Could the reason that so many died have been starvation? It seems that the winter of 1609 was so bad that the many of the colonists died of starvation. They were made to eat their own excrement and flesh. They ate Indians and animals from the colony, including horses, dogs and rats, or anything they could find. But this was hard to believe, as the island was full of food. Maybe the cause of death was drought. Scientists have discovered that the worst drought in many years was between 1604 and 1609. They can tell this because of the tree samples that have been taken. No water meant that crops wouldn't grow, and animals would die, as well as humans. The problem with this theory is that down river, there was excess food. The men could have been too weak to gather food. Why? Maybe the colonists died because of disease? The men could have got diseases from the water that they drank. The position of the settlement was not ideal, although it was very good military position. The water that the settlers drank was out of the river, but the water around the island was stagnant, it didn't move. All the sewage from the island was poured straight into the river, this meant that the men were drinking raw sewage. A lot of men died of 'Bloody Flux' and typhoid, these are typical sewage related diseases. The colonists knew about the risks of drinking the water, but they had no choice, they had to drink something. Internal Politics could have played a part in the unexplained deaths at Jamestown. Before Christmas in 1606 there was a dispute over who would lead the expedition to colonise Jamestown.

The Trebuchet Essay examples -- medieval siege machine

Used by castle commanders during times of peace to hurl roses to ladies during tournaments, trebuchets proved a deadly weapon in the field of ancient warfare. Flinging a wide variety of objects hundreds of yards, the trebuchet became the weapon of choice for laying siege to a castle. Its incredible range could often place it beyond the effectual defense range of the castle archers, thereby permitting the besiegers to destroy the defender's walls with little interference. During extended sieges, trebuchets were often used to hurl large quantities of dung, dead animals, and other such items to encourage disease throughout the besieged city. Trebuchets earned a reputation for being much more accurate and precise than their onager and catapult counterparts. Not only was this accuracy a benefit, but being based on rotational motion and leverage rather than torsion (spring power) and lacking in a throwing arm stop, the trebuchet proved a much safer alternative for the personnel operating it. Onagers and Mangonels would literally explode on occasion when the torsion proved too great or a crack developed in the throwing arm due to the rapid stops it experienced. All in all, the Trebuchet was a fearsome weapon of mass destruction during the Middle Ages, a force to be reckoned with. Trebuchets only lost favor when cannons emerged, and the primary benefit of the cannon that the trebuchet lacked was not in fact power, but rather mobility. Smaller, more maneuverable cannons rapidly overran the position of the trebuchet in most armies across the world. Warwolf, the legendary trebuchet built by the English Army to destroy Castle Urquhart, which was located in the Highlands of Scotland, on the shores of the also infamous Loch Ness. Par... ...elease and a more horizontal trajectory, with higher velocity. In an attempt to better understand the components of the trebuchet and to permit the viewer a better idea of the manner in which the firing of a trebuchet occurs, a trebuchet constructed entirely of K-nex was built this past week. The counterweight consisted of 5000 steel bb's wrapped in plastic and duct tape, while the sling itself was made of duct tape and twine. The remaineder of the trebuchet, including the throwing arm, were constructed purely from K-nex. Standing some 3 feet tall, this trebuchet could repeatedly launch a 2-3oz object in excess of 20 feet. Lengthening the sling proved valuable, increasing velocity and range considerably. However, a point was reached at which the sling length could be said to be optimized, and lengthening it further only created unpredictable release angles.

The Lost Duke of Wyndham Chapter One

Grace Eversleigh had been the companion to the dowager Duchess of Wyndham for five years, and in that time she had learned several things about her employer, the most pertinent of which was this: Under her grace's stern, exacting, and haughty exterior did not beat a heart of gold. Which was not to say that the offending organ was black. Her grace the dowager Duchess of Wyndham could never be called completely evil. Nor was she cruel, spiteful, or even entirely mean-spirited. But Augusta Elizabeth Candida Debenham Cavendish had been born the daughter of a duke, she had married a duke, and then given birth to another. Her sister was now a member of a minor royal family in some central European country whose name Grace could never quite pronounce, and her brother owned most of East Anglia. As far as the dowager was concerned, the world was a stratified place, with a hierarchy as clear as it was rigid. Wyndhams, and especially Wyndhams who used to be Debenhams, sat firmly at the top. And as such, the dowager expected certain behavior and deference to be paid. She was rarely kind, she did not tolerate stupidity, and her compliments were never falsely given. (Some might say they were never given at all, but Grace had, precisely twice, borne witness to a curt but honest â€Å"well done† – not that anyone believed her when she mentioned it later.) But the dowager had saved Grace from an impossible situation, and for that she would always possess Grace's gratitude, respect, and most of all, her loyalty. Still, there was no getting around the fact that the dowager was something less than cheerful, and so, as they rode home from the Lincolnshire Dance and Assembly, their elegant and well-sprung coach gliding effortlessly across the midnight-dark roads, Grace could not help but be relieved that her employer was fast asleep. It had been a lovely night, truly, and Grace knew she should not be so uncharitable. Upon arrival, the dowager had immediately retired to her seat of honor with her cronies, and Grace had not been required to attend to her. Instead, she had danced and laughed with all of her old friends, she had drunk three glasses of punch, she had poked fun at Thomas – always an entertaining endeavor; he was the current duke and certainly needed a bit less obsequiousness in his life. But most of all she had smiled. She had smiled so well and so often that her cheeks hurt. The pure and unexpected joy of the evening had left her body humming with energy, and she was now perfectly happy to grin into the darkness, listening to the soft snore of the dowager as they made their way home. Grace closed her eyes, even though she did not think herself sleepy. There was something hypnotic about the motion of the carriage. She was riding backwards – she always did – and the rhythmic clip-clop of the horses' hooves was making her drowsy. It was strange. Her eyes were tired, even though the rest of her was not. But perhaps a nap would not be such a misplaced endeavor – as soon as they returned to Belgrave, she would be required to aid the dowager with – Crack! Grace sat up straight, glancing over at her employer, who, miraculously, had not awakened. What was that sound? Had someone – Crack! This time the carriage lurched, coming to a halt so swiftly that the dowager, who was facing front as usual, was jerked off her seat. Grace immediately dropped to her knees next to her employer, her arms instinctively coming around her. â€Å"What the devil?† the dowager snapped, but fell silent when she caught Grace's expression. â€Å"Gunshots,† Grace whispered. The dowager's lips pursed tightly, and then she yanked off her emerald necklace and thrust it at Grace. â€Å"Hide this,† she ordered. â€Å"Me?† Grace practically squeaked, but she shoved the jewels under a cushion all the same. And all she could think was that she would dearly like to smack a little sense into the esteemed Augusta Wyndham, because if she were killed because the dowager was too cheap to hand over her jewels – The door was wrenched open. â€Å"Stand and deliver!† Grace froze, still crouched on the floor next to the dowager. Slowly, she lifted her head to the doorway, but all she could see was the silvery end of a gun, round and menacing, and pointed at her forehead. â€Å"Ladies,† came the voice again, and this time it was a bit different, almost polite. The speaker then stepped forward out of the shadows, and with a graceful motion swept his arm in an arc to usher them out. â€Å"The pleasure of your company, if you will,† he murmured. Grace felt her eyes dart back and forth – an exercise in futility, to be sure, as there was clearly no avenue of escape. She turned to the dowager, expecting to find her spitting with fury, but instead she had gone white. It was then that Grace realized she was shaking. The dowager was shaking. Both of them were. The highwayman leaned in, one shoulder resting against the door frame. He smiled then – slow and lazy, and with the charm of a rogue. How Grace could see all of that when half of his face was covered with his mask, she did not know, but three things about him were abundantly clear: He was young. He was strong. And he was dangerously lethal. â€Å"Ma'am,† Grace said, giving the dowager a nudge. â€Å"I think we should do as he says.† â€Å"I do love a sensible woman,† he said, and smiled again. Just a quirk this time – one devastating little lift at the corner of his mouth. But his gun remained high, and his charm did little to assuage Grace's fear. And then he extended his other arm. He extended his arm. As if they were embarking at a house party. As if he were a country gentleman, about to inquire about the weather. â€Å"May I be of assistance?† he murmured. Grace shook her head frantically. She could not touch him. She did not know why, precisely, but she knew in her bones that it would be utter disaster to put her hand in his. â€Å"Very well,† he said with a small sigh. â€Å"Ladies today are so very capable. It breaks my heart, really.† He leaned in, almost as if sharing a secret. â€Å"No one likes to feel superfluous.† Grace just stared at him. â€Å"Rendered mute by my grace and charm,† he said, stepping back to allow them to exit. â€Å"It happens all the time. Really, I shouldn't be allowed near the ladies. I have such a vexing effect on you.† He was mad. That was the only explanation. Grace didn't care how pretty his manners were, he had to be mad. And he had a gun. â€Å"Although,† he mused, his weapon rock steady even as his words seemed to meander through the air, â€Å"some would surely say that a mute woman is the least vexing of all.† Thomas would, Grace thought. The Duke of Wyndham – who had years ago insisted that she use his given name at Belgrave after a farcical chorus of your grace, Miss Grace, your grace – had no patience for chitchat of any sort. â€Å"Ma'am,† she whispered urgently, tugging on the dowager's arm. The dowager did not say a word, nor did she nod, but she took Grace's hand and allowed herself to be helped down from the carriage. â€Å"Ah, now that is much better,† the highwayman said, grinning widely now. â€Å"What good fortune is mine to have stumbled upon two ladies so divine. Here I thought I'd be greeted by a crusty old gentleman.† Grace stepped to the side, keeping her eyes trained on his face. He did not look like a criminal, or rather, her idea of a criminal. His accent screamed education and breeding, and if he was not recently washed, well, she could not smell it. â€Å"Or perhaps one of those dreadful young toads, stuffed into a waistcoat two sizes too small,† he mused, rubbing his free hand thoughtfully against his chin. â€Å"You know the sort, don't you?† he asked Grace. â€Å"Red face, drinks too much, thinks too little.† And to her great surprise, Grace found herself nodding. â€Å"I thought you would,† he replied. â€Å"They're rather thick on the ground, sadly.† Grace blinked and just stood there, watching his mouth. It was the only bit of him she could watch, with his mask covering the upper portion of his face. But his lips were so full of movement, so perfectly formed and expressive, that she almost felt she could see him. It was odd. And mesmerizing. And more than a little unsettling. â€Å"Ah, well,† he said, with the same deceptive sigh of ennui Grace had seen Thomas utilize when he wished to change the subject. â€Å"I'm sure you ladies realize that this isn't a social call.† His eyes flicked toward Grace, and he let loose a devilish smile. â€Å"Not entirely.† Grace's lips parted. His eyes – what she could see of them through the mask – grew heavy-lidded and seductive. â€Å"I do enjoy mixing business and pleasure,† he murmured. â€Å"It's not often an option, what with all those portly young gentlemen traveling the roads.† She knew she should gasp, or even spit forth a protest, but the highwayman's voice was so smooth, like the fine brandy she was occasionally offered at Belgrave. There was a very slight lilt to it, too, attesting to a childhood spent far from Lincolnshire, and Grace felt herself sway, as if she could fall forward, lightly, softly, and land somewhere else. Far, far from here. Quick as a flash his hand was at her elbow, steadying her. â€Å"You're not going to swoon, are you?† he asked, his fingers offering just the right amount of pressure to keep her on her feet. Without letting her go. Grace shook her head. â€Å"No,† she said softly. â€Å"You have my heartfelt thanks for that,† he replied. â€Å"It would be lovely to catch you, but I'd have to drop my gun, and we couldn't have that, could we?† He turned to the dowager with a chuckle. â€Å"And don't you go thinking about it. I would be more than happy to catch you as well, but I don't believe either of you would wish to leave my associates in charge of the firearms.† It was only then that Grace realized there were three other men. Of course there had to be – he could not have orchestrated this by himself. But the rest of them had been so silent, choosing to remain in the shadows. And she had not been able to take her eyes off their leader. â€Å"Has our driver been harmed?† Grace asked, mortified that she was only now thinking of his welfare. Neither he nor the footman who had served as an outrider were anywhere in sight. â€Å"Nothing that a spot of love and tenderness won't cure,† the highwayman assured her. â€Å"Is he married?† What was he talking about? â€Å"I – I don't think so,† Grace replied. â€Å"Send him to the public house, then. There is a rather buxom maid there who – Ah, but what am I thinking? I am among ladies.† He chuckled. â€Å"Warm broth, then, and perhaps a cold compress. And then after that, a day off to find that spot of love and tenderness. The other fellow, by the way† – he flicked his head toward a nearby cluster of trees – â€Å"is over there. Perfectly unharmed, I assure you, although he might find his bindings tighter than he prefers.† Grace flushed, and she turned to the dowager, amazed that she wasn't giving the highwayman a dressing down for such lewd talk. But the dowager was still as pale as sheets, and she was staring at the thief as if she'd seen a ghost. â€Å"Ma'am?† Grace said, instantly taking her hand. It was cold and clammy. And limp. Utterly limp. â€Å"Ma'am?† â€Å"What is your name?† the dowager whispered. â€Å"My name?† Grace repeated in horror. Had she suffered an apoplexy? Lost her memory? â€Å"Your name,† the dowager said with greater force, and it was clear this time that she was addressing the highwayman. But he only laughed. â€Å"I am delighted by the attentions of so lovely a lady, but surely you do not think I would reveal my name during what is almost certainly a hanging offense.† â€Å"I need your name,† the dowager said. â€Å"And I'm afraid that I need your valuables,† he replied. He motioned to the dowager's hand with a respectful tilt of his head. â€Å"That ring, if you will.† â€Å"Please,† the dowager whispered, and Grace's head snapped around to face her. The dowager rarely said thank you, and she never said please. â€Å"She needs to sit down,† Grace said to the highwayman, because surely the dowager was ill. Her health was excellent, but she was well past seventy and she'd had a shock. â€Å"I don't need to sit down,† the dowager said sharply, shaking Grace off. She turned back to the highwayman, yanked off her ring, and held it out. He plucked it from her hand, rolling it about in his fingers before depositing it in his pocket. Grace held silent, watching the exchange, waiting for him to ask for more. But to her surprise, the dowager spoke first. â€Å"I have another reticule in the carriage,† she said – slowly, and with a strange and wholly uncharacteristic deference. â€Å"Please allow me to retrieve it.† â€Å"As much as I would like to indulge you,† he said smoothly, â€Å"I must decline. For all I know, you've two pistols hidden under the seat.† Grace swallowed, thinking of the jewels. â€Å"And,† he added, his manner growing almost flirtatious, â€Å"I can tell you are that most maddening sort of female.† He sighed with dramatic flair. â€Å"Capable. Oh, admit it.† He gave the dowager a subversive little smile. â€Å"You are an expert rider, a crack shot, and you can recite the complete works of Shakespeare backwards.† If anything, the dowager grew even more pale at his words. â€Å"Ah, to be twenty years older,† he said with a sigh. â€Å"I should not have let you slip away.† â€Å"Please,† the dowager begged. â€Å"There is something I must give to you.† â€Å"Now that's a welcome change of pace,† he remarked. â€Å"People so seldom wish to hand things over. It does make one feel unloved.† Grace reached for the dowager. â€Å"Please let me help you,† she insisted. The dowager was not well. She could not be well. She was never humble, and did not beg, and – â€Å"Take her!† the dowager suddenly cried out, grabbing Grace's arm and thrusting her at the highwayman. â€Å"You may hold her hostage, with a gun to the head if you desire. I promise you, I shall return, and I shall do it unarmed.† Grace swayed and stumbled, the shock of the moment rendering her almost insensible. She fell against the highwayman, and one of his arms came instantly around her. The embrace was strange, almost protective, and she knew that he was as stunned as she. They both watched as the dowager, without waiting for his acquiescence, climbed quickly into the carriage. Grace fought to breathe. Her back was pressed up against him, and his large hand rested against her abdomen, the tips of his fingers curling gently around her right hip. He was warm, and she felt hot, and dear heaven above, she had never – never – stood so close to a man. She could smell him, feel his breath, warm and soft against her neck. And then he did the most amazing thing. His lips came to her ear, and he whispered, â€Å"She should not have done that.† He sounded†¦ gentle. Almost sympathetic. And stern, as if he did not approve of the dowager's treatment of her. â€Å"I am not used to holding a woman such,† he murmured in her ear. â€Å"I generally prefer a different sort of intimacy, don't you?† She said nothing, afraid to speak, afraid that she would try to speak and discover she had no voice. â€Å"I won't harm you,† he murmured, his lips touching her ear. Her eyes fell on his gun, still in his right hand. It looked angry and dangerous, and it was resting against her thigh. â€Å"We all have our armor,† he whispered, and he moved, shifted, really, and suddenly his free hand was at her chin. One finger lightly traced her lips, and then he leaned down and kissed her. Grace stared in shock as he pulled back, smiling gently down at her. â€Å"That was far too short,† he said. â€Å"Pity.† He stepped back, took her hand, and brushed another kiss on her knuckles. â€Å"Another time, perhaps,† he murmured. But he did not let go of her hand. Even as the dowager emerged from the carriage, he kept her fingers in his, his thumb rubbing lightly across her skin. She was being seduced. She could barely think – she could barely breathe – but this, she knew. In a few minutes they would part ways, and he would have done nothing more than kiss her, and she would be forever changed. The dowager stepped in front of them, and if she cared that the highwayman was caressing her companion, she did not speak of it. Instead, she held forth a small object. â€Å"Please,† she implored him. â€Å"Take this.† He released Grace's hand, his fingers trailing reluctantly across her skin. As he reached out, Grace realized that the dowager was holding a miniature painting. It was of her long-dead second son. Grace knew that miniature. The dowager carried it with her everywhere. â€Å"Do you know this man?† the dowager whispered. The highwayman looked at the tiny painting and shook his head. â€Å"Look closer.† But he just shook his head again, trying to return it to the dowager. â€Å"Might be worth something,† one of his companions said. He shook his head and gazed intently at the dowager's face. â€Å"It will never be as valuable to me as it is to you.† â€Å"No!† the dowager cried out, and she shoved the miniature toward him. â€Å"Look! I beg of you, look! His eyes. His chin. His mouth. They are yours.† Grace sucked in her breath. â€Å"I am sorry,† the highwayman said gently. â€Å"You are mistaken.† But she would not be dissuaded. â€Å"His voice is your voice,† she insisted. â€Å"Your tone, your humor. I know it. I know it as I know how to breathe. He was my son. My son.† â€Å"Ma'am,† Grace interceded, placing a motherly arm around her. The dowager would not normally have allowed such an intimacy, but there was nothing normal about the dowager this evening. â€Å"Ma'am, it is dark. He is wearing a mask. It cannot be he.† â€Å"Of course it's not he,† she snapped, pushing Grace violently away. She rushed forward, and Grace nearly fell with terror as every man steadied his weapon. â€Å"Don't hurt her!† she cried out, but her plea was unnecessary. The dowager had already grabbed the highwayman's free hand and was clutching it as if he was her only means of salvation. â€Å"This is my son,† she said, her trembling fingers holding forth the miniature. â€Å"His name was John Cavendish, and he died twenty-nine years ago. He had brown hair, and blue eyes, and a birthmark on his shoulder.† She swallowed convulsively, and her voice fell to a whisper. â€Å"He adored music, and he could not eat strawberries. And he could†¦he could†¦Ã¢â‚¬  The dowager's voice broke, but no one spoke. The air was thick and tense with silence, every eye on the old woman until she finally got out, her voice barely a whisper, â€Å"He could make anyone laugh.† And then, in an acknowledgment Grace could never have imagined, the dowager turned to her and added, â€Å"Even me.† The moment stood suspended in time, pure, silent, and heavy. No one spoke. Grace wasn't even sure if anyone breathed. She looked at the highwayman, at his mouth, at that expressive, devilish mouth, and she knew that something was not right. His lips were parted, and more than that, they were still. For the first time, his mouth was without movement, and even in the silvery light of the moon she could tell that he'd gone white. â€Å"If this means anything to you,† the dowager continued with quiet determination, â€Å"you may find me at Belgrave Castle awaiting your call.† And then, as stooped and shaking as Grace had ever seen her, she turned, still clutching the miniature, and climbed back into the carriage. Grace held still, unsure of what to do. She no longer felt in danger – strange as that seemed, with three guns still trained on her and one – the highwayman's, her highwayman's – resting limply at his side. But they had turned over only one ring – surely not a productive haul for an experienced band of thieves, and she did not feel she could get back into the carriage without permission. She cleared her throat. â€Å"Sir?† she said, unsure of how to address him. â€Å"My name is not Cavendish,† he said softly, his voice reaching her ears alone. â€Å"But it once was.† Grace gasped. And then, with movements sharp and swift, he leaped atop his horse and barked, â€Å"We are done here.† And Grace was left to stare at his back as he rode away.